Alabama passed a ban on nearly all abortions with no exceptions for rape or incest. In 2019, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi and Ohio all passed laws banning abortion once fetal cardiac activity can be detected, which is around six weeks into pregnancy. Republican-led legislatures began competing to be the state to overturn Roe, passing ambitious new anti-abortion bills that would have been dismissed just a few years earlier.
The rush to knock down Roe became frenzied with the addition of three conservative Supreme Court justices during the Trump presidency.
“There’s no way that equality can come from taking the rights away from an entire people group like that,” she says. It bothers her, she says, when women say they wouldn’t have been able to have their careers if they hadn’t had an abortion. Lauren Marlowe, a social-media coordinator at Students for Life, frames her opposition to abortion in terms of her commitment to feminism and equality. At this critical political moment, it’s hard to predict the impact of a Court ruling on the upcoming elections: the effort could galvanize Republican voters, energize Democrats, or both. As a result, state and local anti-abortion groups are already pushing state legislatures to adopt laws that would ban abortion and criminalize the people who help patients obtain them. Almost any decision it renders, legal experts say, will give the states more power to determine questions of abortion access. The Supreme Court is expected to rule on Roe by this summer-just months before the 2022 midterms. And the GOP itself is increasingly using the power of state and local governments to push back on not just abortion, but other cultural changes, such as transgender rights and teaching about LGBTQ people, around the country. Now, with their goal finally in sight, the different factions of the movement have disparate ideas of what a post- Roe world might look like, and how the movement should channel its considerable political power toward achieving those visions.Īt the same time, a bevy of right-wing groups-Christian nationalists, conspiracy theorists, and white-power extremists-already flourishing in a Republican Party shaped by Trump, see a political opportunity in recruiting and proselytizing among the movement’s splintering ranks, says Mike Madrid, a veteran Republican strategist who has been critical of the party’s rightward lurch in the Trump era. For decades, the well-organized, largely grassroots movement has worked to unite a diverse cross-section of American society behind their cause: white evangelicals, as well as some Catholics, Black protestants, Hispanics, and conservative Democrats. For three days surrounding the march, they danced and prayed and tearfully embraced in the streets.īut under the surface, the weekend was fraught with tension. Anti-abortion activists have been fighting for this moment for nearly a half century. Wade, the 1973 Supreme Court decision that established the constitutional right to abortion. Supreme Court is widely expected to pare back or overturn Roe v. On a cold, clear weekend in January, tens of thousands of anti-abortion activists convened in Washington for their annual gathering, the March for Life.
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